CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

Sa Ilawud-Ilaya Trade Relations of Agusan

A. Background of the Study

     Sometime in 1992, while I was a senior student in secondary school, Rose Tugay Sanchez, 1 a family friend of Manobo descent, told me about her small-scale logging business in Agusan del Sur.

     “Asa man diay ang inyoha sa Agusan del Sur, Te?” (Aunt, where is your place in Agusan del Sur?), I asked inquisitively.

     “Ngadto ilaya,” (There in ilaya) she answered plainly.

     Recalling my scanty knowledge of Agusan geography, I asked: “Asa man nang Municipality of Ilaya, Te?” (Aunt, where is the Municipality of Ilaya located?).

     She laughed at my naiveté and said, “Ilaya means ‘somewhere in the upper part.’”

     That was the first time I have heard about the word ilaya. And in subsequent conversations, Aunt Rose clarified the concepts of ilawud (downstream) and ilaya (upstream) among the Manobos of Agusan. Our conversations, added to the Manobo tales narrated to me by our Manobo servant, Evangeline Mercado, 2 developed in me a peculiar interest in ethnohistory. And this interest was reflected in my senior secondary school term paper, which was focused on the Manobos and their Christianization.

     When I gathered data for my senior secondary school term paper, my focus being Christianization, I incidentally found that the Agusanon Manobos from the upper reaches of Agusan River gathered beeswax to barter with pieces of iron from Chinese merchants waiting in their junks at the mouth of the Agusan River. These trading activities were noted by the Jesuits who labored the Christianization in Agusan in the 18th century.

     The Chinese traders, however, took advantage of the Manobos’ ignorance by exacting exchange products far in excess than the value of the goods they sold. What was worst was that they even advised the Manobos from being resettled and administered by the missionaries. The Jesuits detested these activties, calling them works of the devil because they marred their designs for Christianization. The trade between the Chinese and the Manobos intrigued and led me to study the ilawud-ilaya trade in Agusan in 1521-1582.

     The concepts of ilawud and ilaya are indigenous to the Philippines. In Lanao del Sur, ilawud is called lilod and ilaya is called raia. Among the Maguindanaos in the 18th century, the concepts of ilud and raya were each associated with a center of power.

     In 16th century, Diego de Artieda, a member of the 1564 Miguel Lopez de Legazpi Expedition, observed the downstream-upstream trade pattern among the Visayans which they called ilawud and iraya. Among the Ilokanos, the concepts were known as laud and daya and among the Surigaonon, ilawud and ilaya. Studies also show that these lowland-upland relationships existed in the Cordilleras. They have iwanga or aplay for the upland communities and ilakud for lowland communities. The term Ilakud later evolved into Ilokano.

     The concept was also present among the Mandayas of Davao-Agusan. In fact, the word Mandaya comes from man and daya. Man, signifies people, and daya signifies ‘on the upper part.’ Roughly, Mandaya means, “people from the upper part.”

     It is worth noting that the recollects who succeeded in establishing Linao (presently a part of Bunawan, Agusan del Sur) for Butuan residence, erected a convent there called Ilaya, under the patronage of Santa Clara de Montefalcon in 1624. In some sense, the name of the convent was indicative of the role of Linao. It was the upstream mission field of the Butuan residence, in much the same way as the upriver Buayan was complimentary to the Maguindanao estuary.

B. Statement of the Problem

     This paper attempts to answer the question: what were the factors of the ilawud-ilaya trade? Specifically, it attempts to answer the following questions:

1. What were the geographical factors of the Agusan ilawud-ilaya trade pattern?
2. What were the natural products and manufactures involved in the said trade pattern?
3. What groups of people interacted in the trade?
4. What international trade existed, which encouraged the trade?
5. How was the ilawud-ilaya trade conducted?

C. Objectives of the Study 

     This paper aims to determine the factors of the Agusan ilawud-ilaya trade patterns. Specifically, this research aims to:

1. Describe the contrasting environs of ilauwud and ilaya and the Agusan River as the conduit of trade;
2. Describe the contrasting products of ilawud and ilaya;
3. Describe the groups of people involved in the ilawud-ilaya trade; and
4. Describe the long history of foreign maritime trade focused on the ilawud because it served as booster of the ilawud-ilaya trade.
5. Describe the conduct of ilawud-ilaya trade.

D. Significance of the Study

     This study will help us better appreciate the history of Butuan by putting together the findings of historians, archeologists and anthropologists. It will also help us understand the growth of Filipino communities especially during the pre-Hispanic period. This study is a contribution to the growing literature of low-land trading in both History and Anthropology disciplines.

E. Scope and Limitation

     This is a descriptive study of the trade between the inhabitants of the ilawud and that of the ilaya during the pre-Spanish period. But due to lack of documentary sources, some inferences were made from archaeological, geological and anthropological data. The reconstruction of the said ilawud-ilaya trade was anchored on Bennet Bronson’s dendritic model of upstream-downstream exchange as enhanced by Joy Burrough’s theory of the development of periodic markets in the lowland-upland internal trade. Specifically, the study will examine the ilawud and ilaya environs, the groups of people involved in the said trade, the natural products and manufactures, as well as the foreign maritime trade which bolstered the ilawud-ilaya trade relations.

     The period of the research was focused on the years between 1521 and 1582, because, first, the period offered documents pertaining to Butuan like that of Antonio Pigafetta, Francisco Albo, Genoese Pilot and other writers on Magellan’s voyage. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and his men’s accounts like that of Guido de Lavezares, Miguel de Loarca, Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa and few others were also present. These writers recorded the presence of some inter-island traders and some trade products and manufactures introduced in Butuan. Second, the archaeological finds in the ilaya were dated by association to be of 15th century. And lastly, within this period, 1565, narratives about Moro boats, Chinese junks and their products of trade as well as Butuan’s export products were also recorded.

F. Methodology

     The phases of this research work include (1) Data Gathering; (2) Data Interpretation and (3) Data Presentation. The data gathering took place between April 1996 and February 1997. It included research at the National Museum of the Philippines (Region XIII Branch and Balangay Shrine Museum) and archival research at the Pambansang Sinupan ng mga Tala. It also included library research at the Xavier University Library, Mindanao State University Library, Urios College Library, Butuan City Public Library, Iligan City Public Library, MSU Mamitua Saber Research Center, the National Library of the Philippines and the University of Santo Tomas Central Library.

     In 1996, I visited some Manobo archaeological and contemporary settlement sites. For the archaeological sites, I have visited Ambangan, Masao, Suatan, Ambago, Kalot and Magallanes. For contemporary Manobo settled areas, I have visited Bansa and Amparo. I have followed the course of the Agusan River upstream towards the ilaya but only up to Amparo, which is a historically Manobo settlement. I resumed my travel to Agusan del Sur via the Maharlika Highway. I was based in San Francisco, Agusan del Sur.

     By February 1997, I had collected historical, archaeological, ethnographic and geographical data. Specifically, I had organized my sources as follows: pre-colonial and colonial upstream–downstream trade; pre-colonial international trade; trade products and prices; pre-colonial habitation sites and industries; politics, economy and religion of the Lapaknon and Agusanon Manobos; and the geography of Agusan.

     This narrative is anchored primarily on the dendritic model of upstream-downstream exchange proposed by Bennet Bronson as enhanced by Joy B. Burrough’s prerequisites of the development of periodic markets in the internal trade routes. However, the ilawud-ilaya dichotomy was patterned after Eric S. Casiño’s sociological framework and my findings on the geography of Agusan. The control question is: “What were the factors of ilawud-ilaya trade?” But this did not eliminate the discussion on the conduct of trade, because it bound these factors together. By March 1997, I submitted my draft, which later became the final presentation of this research work.

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1 Rose Tugay Sanchez lived with my family in Butuan City for three years (1991-1994). She hails from a Manobo village in Guadalupe, Esperanza, Agusan del Sur. She fondly called her place and the whole area of the province of Agusan del Sur as ilaya because of its mountainous topography.

2 Evangeline Mercado, fondly called Vangie, was our Manobo house help from La Paz, Agusan del Sur. She worked for my family for two years (1989-1991). She used to fascinate my mind with tales about a legendary Manobo personal deity called abian who could rock a person to sleep like dead for days.

CHAPTER II THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

A. Review of Related Literature

     There are few written accounts related to this study, either in method, purpose, or findings. With regards to method, Karl Hutterer’s analysis on the prehistoric trade in the Philippines, Joy Burrough’s study on periodic markets in Sabah, Malaysia, and Benneth Bronson’s abstract model for upstream-downstream exchange were employed in this study.

     With regards to purpose, no work was purposely done to describe and analyze the ilawud-ilaya trade pattern of Agusan. Though some works like that of Erlinda Burton, Jaime Veneracion and Fernando Almeda mentioned in part the said trade pattern, not one of them had conducted any purposive study on said trade. However, their findings and that of William Henry Scott, proved to be of much help.

1.Upstream-Downstream Trade

     Karl Hutterer, an archaeologist who conducted studies on Philippine Prehistoric trade, argued in his work Prehistoric Trade and the Evolution of Philippine societies: A Reconsideration, 1 that foreign trade participated by the Philippine societies ‘constituted an extremely important element in the socio-cultural evolution of Philippine societies. This foreign trade encouraged the growth of nucleated settlements along the Philippine coasts, a response to both opportunities and demands of the exchange interactions. Many of the goods demanded for exports were primarily products of rain forests, which were not directly accessible to the coastal communities. Thus, coastal populations had to enter into exchange interactions with populations of hunters and swidden agriculturist in the uplands.

     To explain the dynamics of the said trade, Benet Bronson, in his work Exchange at the Upstream and downstream Ends: Notes toward a Functional Model of the Coastal State in Southeast Asia,2 proposed a functional model. This model was constructed after studying the relationships among early political, economic, and geographical systems, and surveying the archaeological reports, historical information and recent politico-economic patterns in Southeast Asia.

     Joy Burrough’s study The Development of Periodic Markets in Sabah, Malaysia, 3 laid down the basic prerequisites of the development of internal trade markets. For an internal periodic market to develop there must be: (1) an interface between two contrasting environments; (2) the availability of products that would have stimulated trade. (3) groups of people who might be expected to develop highland-lowland trade; and, most importantly,(4) a long history of foreign maritime trade.

2. Ilaya-Ilawud Trade

     Erlinda Burton’s work entitled The First Mass Controversy: An Analysis of Butuan and Limasawa Sites in the Light of Archaeological Finds,4 contends that the first recorded Christian mass in the Philippines was held in Masao, Butuan City. As, evidence, she cited that the archaeological finds in Butuan are consistent with the 1521 account of Antonio Pigafetta. Aside from the above contention, she proposed that Butuan traded with some settlements upstream. Archaeological finds in Butuan were similar with those in Sagunto, La Paz, Agusan del Sur. Beside La Paz, the Municipalities of Talacogon, San Luis and Esperanza in Agusan del Sur also yield archaeological materials.

     Veneracion’s work, Agos ng Dugong Kayumangi 5 is a high school Philippine History textbook with a new approach to the study of Philippine History. In particular, he tried to discuss the development of Philippine settlements. He cited the Manila area, Lingayen, Cagayan, Cebu, Butuan, Cotabato and Sulu as ancient communities with advanced socio-political organizations. Most of these communities were found in the drainage of great river systems that connected them with the interior.

     On the basis of archaeological and historical sources, Veneracion surmised the existence of the trade between the upstream and the downstream settlements. He specifically cited Butuan as a community enriched by this internal trade. He also noted Butuan’s international trade relations as an important factor in the intensification of this internal trade.

     Almeda’s work, Story of a Province: Surigao across the Years, 6 in general, tries to reconstruct the history of Surigao, which until 1911, included Agusan and Butuan. On this ilawud-ilaya contacts, he commented, that the “movements and development of the ethnic groups clearly indicated a trend towards a unification of the people in the ilawud and ilaya.”

     William Henry Scott’s Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History 7 tackled the Sino-Butuan trade based on Chinese source, Sung Shih. He described the trade to be direct and that the peoples of Butuan were the ones who went to China for trade. Scott’s “Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine society,” noted that Butuan’s balanghais or barotos were used to peddle trade products to inland settlements via the Agusan River. 8

B. Theoretical Framework

     Fundamental to the study of upstream-downstream trade relations was the notion that there were two ecological zones-the coastal and the inland zones.

“The pattern in the Agusan area becomes one of downstream-upstream along the troughlike valley of the Agusan. Although there are highlands on both sides of the valley, in pre-colonial and colonial times movements of people and commerce followed the river. The upper section of the valley is poorly drained, and it gets flooded seasonally between Talacogon and Bunawan, an area of about 1,294 km² "10

     These two ecological zones form two halves of a single cultural ecosystem bound together through political, economic, and cultural exchanges that came with the trade up and down the river. 11 And the more politically integrated principalities acted as superordinate powers toward the more fragmented inland tribes. This relationship is known as “negative reciprocity.”12

     The findings of Burton, Veneracion, Almeda have one in common - that there was indeed an ilawud-ilaya trade relations between Butuan and Agusan settlements, particularly Sagunto in La Paz, as Burton may add. The existence of this trade was confirmed not only in archaeological and historical sources but also because of the presence of the basic prerequisites of internal trade as Joy Boenisch Burrough laid. Balanghais and barotos facilitated this trade as Scott had suggested.

     Veneracion exactly adopted this scissors-and-paste of ideas as he cited in his book that Butuan, along with Cebu, Manila, Cotabato, Sulu, Lingayen and Cagayan, was once a settlement, which flourished through ilawud-ilaya trade.

     Bennet Bronson proposed an abstract model for exchange at the upstream and downstream ends. The diagram of such system is as follows:

     The model focuses on a single hypothetical class of ancient exchange networks, one which involves the control of a drainage basin opening to the sea by a center located at or near the mouth of that basin’s major river. It contains these elements:

A, the center at the river mouth; 

B and C, second- and third- order centers located upstream and at primary and secondary river junctions;

D, the most distant upstream center to participate in the A-based system of market exchange and the initial concentration point for products originating in more remote parts of the watershed;

E and F, the ultimate producers of these products and perhaps centers on a separate exchange system based on non-market institutions, involving goods only parts of which come from or go to the market system centered on A;

X, an overseas center which serves as the main consumer of goods exported from A and the principal supplier of its imports; and 

A, another river-mouth center some distance along the coast, controlling a hinterland similar to that of A. 13

C. Definition of Terms 

Agusan Manobos. A small dark-skinned people, member of the Indonesian subfamily of Austronesians. They inhabited the highland plains, intermontane valleys, and hinterlands of Agusan del Sur. Some of them can be found along the hills of some towns of Agusan del Norte. 14 Negrito blood admixtures can be observed among the Agusanon Manobos. 15 They were short, dark and do have shorter noses. 16 [<Manobo Agusanon, Agusan people + Manobo, river dweller] 17.

Balanghai. A large wooden edge-pegged plank-built boats constructed on a keel. It is the oldest known pre-European watercraft found in the Philippines. Dating to the 4th and 13th centuries A.D., these Balanghai’s average 15 meters in length and 3 meters in width. It is similar to the Samal-Badjao type of boat. 18 [<Old Cebuano Balanghai, large boat] 19

Baroto. A dugout canoe. Common barotos are with woven sawali (wooden support) sides coated with beeswax or almaciga sap and without outriggers. It was what the Spaniards called canoa. 20 [<Old Cebuano boloto, small boat] 21

Downstream. In the direction of the flow of current or a stream; down the stream. 22

Foreign Maritime Trade. The trading interactions between the Philippine societies and the traders from Asia and Southeast Asia. 23 

Ilawud. Downstream 24 or the direction towards the sea. 25

Ilaya. Upstream, the sources of the rivers. 26 It is the direction towards the mountain 27 or interior farmlands. 28

Lapaknon Manobos. A small light skinned-people, who inhabited the swampy estuarine areas north of Butuan especially Suatan, Ambangan and Masao. 29 They were tall, athletic built, slightly curled hair, 30 and well-developed height in forehead, which were Malayan characteristics. 31 [<Butuan lapak, mudflat 32 + Manobo river dweller 33] 

Upstream. Toward the upper part of a stream; against the current; toward or at a place nearer the source or situated or occurring thereon. 34

____________________

1 Karl L. Hutterer, “Prehistoric Trade and the Evolution of Philippine Societies: A Reconsideration,” Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspective from Prehistory, History and Ethnography (U.S.A.: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1978)pp.177-196.

2 Bennet Bronson, “Exchange at the Upstream and Downstream Ends: Notes toward a Functional Model of the Coastal State in Southeast Asia,” Economic Exchange and Social interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspective from Prehistory, History and Ethnography (U.S.A.: Center for South and Southeast Asian studies, University of Michigan, 1978)p.39-52.

3 Joy B.Burrough, “The Development of Periodic Market in Sabah, Malaysia,” Sabah Society Journal,vol.6 (1975-1976)p.23.

4 Erlinda M. Burton, “The First Mass Controversy. An Analysis of Butuan and Limasawa Sites In the Light of Archaeological Finds,” Butuan the First Kingdom, Sonia Zaide (ed), (Butuan City. Artop Printing House, 1990).

5 Jaime B. Veneracion, Agos ng Dugong Kayumangi (Quezon City. Abiva Publishing House, inc., 1990) pp.43-44, 46.

6 Fernando A. Almeda, Jr. Story of a Province Surigao Across The Years (Quezon City: Philippine National Historical Society and Heritage publishing House, 1993)p.49.

7 William Henry Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials For the Study of Philippine History (Quezon City. New Day Publisher, 1984) pp.66-67 and 137.

8 William Henry Scott, “Boat building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society,” Anthropological Papers, No. 9 (1981) p. 23.

9 Eric S. Casiño, The Filipino Nation, The Philippines: Lands and Peoples, A Cultural Geography (USA: Grolier International Philippines, Inc., 1982) pp. 194-195.

10 ibid.

11 Eric S. Casiño, The Jama Mapun: A Changing Samal Society in the Southern Philippines (Quezon City. Ateneo de Manila Press, 1976) p. 11

12 Marshall D. Sahlins, The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology (London: Tavistock Publications, 1965), p.148.

13 Benneth Bronson, “Exchange at the upstream and Downstream Ends: Notes toward a Functional Model of the Coastal State in Southeast Asia,” Economic Exchange and Social interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspective from Prehistory, History and Ethnography (USA: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan,1978)p.43.

14 Dionisio L. Yumo, “Power Politics of Southrn Agusan Manobo,” Mindanao Journal,Vol.15. Nos.1-4 (1988-1989) pp.4-5.

15 The Report of the Philippine Commission (1901) , 353.

16 Joseph Montano, “Voyage aux Philippines et Malaisie,” Peter Screurs, (trans), Kinaadman, Vol. 5 (1983) p. 323. 

17 Dionisio L. Yumo, “Power Politics of Southern Agusan Manobo,” Mindanao Journal Vol.15, Nos.1-4, (1988-1989)p.3. Also Rosario C. Lucero, “Agusan Manobo” CCP Encyclopedia of Philippine Arts, Vol. I, A-J, (Manila: Sentrong Pangkultura ng Pilipinas, 1994) p.40.

18 Butuan Regional Museum, Do it yourself Guide (Butuan City. Butuan Regional Museum) p.10.

19 "Words of those Heathen People (in Zubu),” In Antonio Pigaffeta’s “First Voyage Around the World,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.33. p.197.

20 William Henry Scott, “Boat Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine society,” Anthropological Papers No. 9 (1981) p.23.

21 "Words of those Heathen people, (in Zubu),” in Antonio Pigafetta’s “First voyage Around the World,” Blaire And Robertson, Vol.33, p.197.

22 Webster Comprehensive Dictionary, International Edition (1987).

23 Karl L. Hutterer (ed.), Economic Exchange and Social interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspective from Prehistory, History and Ethnography (USA: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1978) p.13.

24 Fernando A. Almeda, Jr. Story of a Province Surigao Across the Years (Quezon City: Philippine National Historical Society and Heritage Pblishing House, 1993)p.45.

25 Ferdinand E. Marcos, Tadhana the History of the Filipino People, Vol.2, part.1 (Manila:Ferdinand E. Marcos, 1976) p.330.

26 Francisco Colin, “Native Races and Their Customs,” Blaire and Robertson, Vol.40, pp.45-47.

27 Marcos, oρ. cit.

28 Almeda, op. cit.

29 Erlinda M. Burton, “Settlement and Burial Sites in Butuan City. A Preliminary Report.” Philippine Studies, Vol.25 (1977)pp.97-98. Also, Angel P. Bautista, “Archaeological Report on the Luna and Torralba Sites, Butuan City, Agusan del Norte,” National Museum Papers, Vol.1 (1990) p.7.

30 The Report of the Philippine Commission (1901), 353.

31 Joseph Montano, “Voyage aux Philippines et Malaisie,” Peter Screurs (trans.), Kinaadman vol.5 ( 1983) p. 323.

32 Erlinda M. Burton, “Remains of Lost Tribe Dug Up,” Times Journal, Vol.5, No. 54 (1976) p.11.

33 Pablo Pastells, Letter to Father Provincial Juan Capelle, Manila, 20 April 1887,” Blaire and Robertson, Vol.43,p.276.

34 Webster Comprehensive Dictionary, International Edition (1987).

CHAPTER III HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

     Butuan in Agusan appeared in Chinese annals where Butuan’s (Pu’tuan) trading activities were recorded from 1001 A.D. to as late as 1373 A.D. Agusan’s story in the years between 1373 and 1521 were more of archaeological and geomorphologic inferences. After 1521, documentary sources relating to Agusan’s history were primarily written by the Spaniards.

     During the 9th and 10th century A.D., Agusan was a fertile floodplain with lush vegetation and rich wildlife. Being a by-product of siltation, the area was swampy and thus the inhabitants’ houses were built on stilts. The settlements in the area were generally situated near a body of water, either near the coast, the Agusan River and its tributaries, or the swamps.1

     From as early as 1001 A.D. to as late as 1373 A.D. Butuan was mentioned in the Chinese annals, where it is referred to as Pu’tuan. It was one of the important trading ports in northern Mindanao during the period. Sung Shih in particular, described Butuan in 1001 A.D. as a small country in the sea, located east of Champa, farther than Ma i (Mindoro), and having regular trade with Champa but rarely with China.2

     From 1001 1007 A.D. Butuan was a tributary state of China. Mention of its trading activities, together with those of Borneo and Ma i (Mindoro, last appeared in the Chinese annals in 1373.3 After 1373, it continued to trade independently but was overshadowed by Borneo’s commercial expansion in the same century. Butuan later became a Bornean dependency.4

     The Lapaknon Manobos, the inhabitants of Ilawud were generally mariners. They built balanghais and barotos to ply the seas. The oldest balanghai was about 1677 years old.5 The Agusanon Manobos, on the other hand, the inhabitants of the ilaya, were generally farmers.6 They planted rice and other crops.7 For trade, they gathered forest products8 and raid other tribes like the Mamanua and the Mandaya for slaves.9

     During the 15th century, Butuan and its vicinity were dotted by small independent barangays. Oftentimes, however, the chiefs of these barangays were blood related. This was exemplified in the case of the chief of Butuan, who was the brother of the chief of Mazaua, then, a separate kingdom in Agusan. There were also seasonal tribal feuds.10

     Also, in the 15th century, the ilawud of Agusan was a trading port famous for its gold. It was an important port of call among the Chinese and Moro traders in northern Mindanao. As a trading port, ilawud deal business in terms of gold and slaves. Although slaves were traded, the ilawud did not have a reputation for piracy or slave raiding, unlike Cebu, Jolo, and Maguindanao at that time.11

     Through trade, the ilawud’s culture was enriched. Raia Siaui of Butuan and Raia Culambu of Mazaua dined on porcelain dishes, drunk on porcelain jars and wore imported silk clothes. Gold bound some of Raia Siaui’s teeth, some of his dishes were made of gold and, as he claimed, even some parts of his house.12 This was the situation of the ilawud in 1521, as witnessed by Ferdinand Magellan and his men when they dropped anchor on 29 March 1521.

     Although the settlements in the ilawud were slave markets, this did not exclude it from the devastating attacks of the slave raiders. Mazaua, for instance, was almost depopulated by the Ternatan-Portuguese raid in 1562.13 Nor was the ilaya, with its rugged terrain and thick vegetation, safe from slave raids. Seasonally Moro marauders, plundered Sagunto and the whole of ilaya through Agusan and Hijo river openings in Davao.14

     In the summer of 1565, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came to the Philippines. He planned to go to Butuan from Canuguinen (Camiguin), but tides and contrary winds drove them to the coast of Bohol. From Bohol, legazpi dispatched a Patache named San Juan to Butuan to reconnoiter the place: to “sail along its coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look for a suitable port and shore where a settlement could be made." 15

     Legazpi’s men were able to observe the socio-political situation of Butuan during the reconnaissance. Rodrigo de la Isla (Espinosa) noted that Butuan traded primarily in gold. He also observed two Moro boats from Luzon came to Butuan for trade. The Moro boats brought with them iron tips for spears, Chinese porcelain, swords and jars. These trade items were bartered for gold, beeswax and slaves.16

     Legazpi’s expedition was the most successful of all the Spanish attempts to explore and subsequently colonize the Philippines. As the colonization of the Philippines started, Spanish incursions, in Agusan also began. This was the prelude to the integration of Agusan into the mainstream of Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines.

     Juan Gutierres Cortes and some of his soldiers surveyed Agusan in 1577. A year later, a second survey was conducted under Capt. Gabriel de Rivera upon instruction by Gov. Gen. Francisco de Sande. This second survey aimed to ‘discover the people and ascertain their number and location.’17 In compliance with this Sande’s instructions, Rivera, on 14 April 1579, directed Sgt. Lope de Catalinaga and fifteen of his men to pacify and subsequently collect tributes on the river and the hill tribes of Agusan. 18 As far as surveys were concern, the Spaniards were successful, but the same cannot be said in the collection of taxes.19

     It was only through the efforts of the zealous Christian missionary priests that Agusan was gradually incorporated into the mainstream of Spanish colonial designs. Slowly, the inhabitants of Butuan and the neighboring areas were reduced into the plaza-complex type of settlement. 20 By 1582, Agusan became an encomienda of Guido de Lavezaris. 21

     As the encomendero of Agusan, Lavezaris was successful in pacifying the Lapaknon Manobos. 22 But the same cannot be said with regards to the Agusanon Manobos in the ilaya. They remained virtually unconquered, until the establishment of a Spanish fort in Linao, in what is now Bunawan. The fort named Real Fuerte de San Juan Bautista was made of stakes and earth. By 1624, a church and a convent named ilaya, were built near it. 23 This signaled the Christianization of the Agusanon Manobos and incorporation of the area into the mainstream of Spanish colonial rule.

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1 History of the Balangay Site, Diorama Exhibit, Philippine National Museum, Caraga Region Branch, Butuan City.

2 Sung Shih, in William Henry Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History, (Quezon City: New Day Publisher, 1984) p. 66.

3 loc. cit.

4 William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, (Quezon City. Ateneo De Manila University Press, 1994) p.164.

5 Erlinda M. Burton, “Settlement and Burial Sites in Butuan City. A Preliminary Report,” Philippine Studies, Vol,25, First Quarter (1977) p.109.

6 Pablo Pastells, Letter to Father Provincial Juan Capelle, Manila, 20 April 1887, Blair and Robertson, Vol.43, p.277.

7 Aniceto Beray, Letter to Sr. Exmo. Capitan Grãl de estas Islas Filipinas, Talacogon, 20 June 1886: Philippine National Archive, Exp. 9, Fol. 180.

8 Joseph Montano, “Voyage Aux Philippines et en Malaisie,” Peter Schreurs (trans.), Kinaadman Vol.5 (1983) p.320.

12 Antonio Pigafetta, “First Voyage Around the World,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.33 pp.120-123.

13 William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, (Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994)p.164.

14 Peter Schreurs, “The odyssey of Bunawan and Talacogon: 1867-1879, Kinaadman Vol.7, No.1 (1985) pp.1-2. Also, Joseph Montano, “Voyage Aux Philippines et en Malaisie,” Peter Schreurs (trans.) Kinaadman Vol.5 (1983) p.345

15 Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, “Relation of the Voyage to the Philippines (1564-1565),” in Gregorio F. Zaide and Sonia M. zaide (trans.) Documentary Sources of Philippine History, Vol.2, (Manila: National Bookstore, Inc. 1990)p.9.

16 Rodrigo de Espinosa, “Derrotero del Piloto Rodrigo de Espinosa del Discubrimiento de las Yslas del Poniente (From Navidad, 17 November 1564 to Bohol, 4 April 1565),” in Horacio de la Costa, S.J., Readings in Philippine History (Manila: Bookmark, Inc.,1966)pp.12-13.

17 Francisco de Sande, “Captain Ribera’s Instructions, January 15, 1597,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.4, p.238.

18 “Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo and Mindanao,” Blair and Robertson, Vol. 4, p.295.

19 Dionisio A. Sy, Butuan through the Ages (Cebu City. Our Press, 1970). pp.20-22

20 ibid, p.33.

21 Miguel de Loarca, “Relation of the Filipinas Islands,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.5, p.63.

22 ibid., p.20-22.

23 Peter Schreurs, “The Odyssey of Bunawan and Talacogon: 1867-1879, Kinaadman Vol.7, No.1 (1985) pp.1-2.

CHAPTER IV THE ILAWUD-ILAYA ENVIRONS

     Agusan is presently composed of two provinces, namely Agusan del Norte and Agusan del Sur. The area of the provinces combined covers the entire area of the Agusan River basin.1 Agusan was the name given to the place by the Spaniards. It was derived from the Visayan words agas,2 meaning “to flow” hence agasan, meaning “where the water flow.” Agusan River flows through the flood plain of both Agusan provinces. The river was referred to in the Spanish documents as the Butuan River,3 after a village along its bank a little upstream from the bay of the same name. Later, the river was called Agusan River.4

A. The Land

     Agusan is located in the northeastern part of Mindanao. It is bounded by Butuan Bay and partly by Surigao del Norte in the north, Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur in the east, Misamis Oriental and Bukidnon in the West, and Davao del Norte in the South.5 Agusan's total land area before its division into Agusan del Norte and Agusan del Sur in 1967 was 1,155,579 hectares.6

     Agusan is shaped like an elongated basin walled by Mountain ranges on the eastern and western sides.7 On the east rise the Diwata Mountain ranges which traverse from Claver, Surigao del Norte, passing through Agusan del Norte, and southward to Sumilao in the south.The highest peak in the Diwata Mountain Ranges is at Mt. Hilonghilong, 8 which can be seen from Butuan City like a giant eastern wall.

     On the northwest rises Mt. Kitomoy, which serves as the boundary between Agusan and Misamis Oriental. Southward from Mt. Kitomoy are the high mountains between Agusan and Bukidnon, with Mt. Timuyog, Mt. Baliagan, Mt. Bahaon, Mt. Kinabalian and Datu Masupaya as the notable peaks.9

B. The Climate

     In Agusan, the monsoon from the northeast draws cold air masses from North Asia during the months of November to February. The southwest monsoon is dominant during the months of July to October. The temperature ranges from 19 degrees to 30 degrees centigrade in March to May while relative humidity varies from 82 to 86. 10

     Ilawud’s climate is characterized by an even distribution of rainfall throughout the year.11 The highest rainfall of 510 mm occurs in January and evenly distributed rainfall of 190 to 260 mm occurs from April to November. Wet season of a maximum rain period is from December to March.12

     In the Ilaya, however there is an absence of dry season. Although not a part of the typhoon belt, the pronounced rainfall of 600 mm from December and January caused frequent floods in the upper section of Agusan. Minimum rainfall of 150 mm occurs in August and September. 13 The area between Talacogon and Bunawan, which comprises 1,294 Km2 is poorly drained. This resulted to seasonal floods in the area.14

C. Flora and Fauna

     The soil type of Agusan is predominantly alluvium. This soil type plus the climate make Agusan one of the most fertile in the country. In 1997, 74% of the Agusan area is covered by dipterocarp forests with a heavy stand of natural vegetation. The principal timber species are lauan, apitong, guijo, mayapis, bagtikan, tanguile and yakal. It was estimated that 300 cubic meter of commercial timber could be extracted per hectare. 15

     Of the 1,155,579 hectare total land area of Agusan, 738,904 hectare is classified as dipterocarp forest. Of which about 116,542 hectares are further classified as virgin forest while 153,829 hectares are considered repbrush forest. Residual forest occupies 405,951 ha while mangrove: 2,836 ha and mossy: 44,516 ha. Tracts of land classified as non-forest comprises 416,675 ha. Those that are simply grasslands are now utilized as agricultural areas planted with rice (Oryza Sativa) and corn (Zea mays).16 

     Few wild animals are observed in the ilawud. There are birds like collared kingfisher (Halcyon chloris Scopoli 1786), coucal (Centropus sp.) Philippine mallard (Anas Luzonica Fraser 1839), green winged pigeon (Chalcophaps indica L.1758) and fantails (Rhipidura sp.). There are also several species of snakes, lizards, frogs and rats (Rattus sp.). 

     Ilaya is home to wild animals such as pig (Sus barbatus Muller 1838), deer (Cervus (Rusa) francianus Smith), wildcats (Paradoxuros philippinensis Jourdan, Viverra tangalunga Gray) and macaque (macaca Philippinensis Geoffrey).17

D. The Ilawud 

     Facing Butuan Bay is the coastal plain of Agusan. The area is known among the Manobos as ilawud. Ilawud has a gentle rolling plain broken occasionally by hills, which rarely exceed 300 meters. Except for few heights like Mt. Mayapay and Pinamanculan hills, the area is largely a flood plain, drained by Agusan River and its numerous tributaries.

     Ilawud has a very long geological history. Two million years ago, the area was totally underwater. The base of Mt. Mayapay was then its shoreline and the Agusan River empties directly to the Butuan Bay. Due to heavy annual rainfall in the upper Agusan River valley, mineral ores and silt found their way to the Agusan River through its tributary rivers and run-offs. The silt, mineral ores, sand, clay, mud and heavy alluvial soil were washed into the sea in great volumes by the oftentimes swollen river. The long process of deposition led to the formation of the delta in the Butuan Bay. This delta became a part of Agusan del Norte, the Ilawud. 18

     The Lapaknon Manobos inhabited the ilawud, particularly the coastal and riverine areas. The preferred places of habitation were low flat, either swampy or marshy and fed by Agusan river’s tributaries and streams. The areas settled by the lapaknon manobos are known today as Ambangan, Suatan, Masao, Magallanes and Butuan. 19 

     In Ambangan, Balanghai 1 site is formed by five Lapaknon Manobo habitations, which had been discovered and systematically excavated. In Bario Suatan in Butuan, the Butuanon residents who were believed to be the descendants of the Lapaknon Manobos, still build their houses on stilts. This type of dwelling was already in existence as early as the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. other archaeological sites in the ilawud were found to be habitations, burial or workshop sites.20

E. The Ilaya 

     Towards the interior, beyond Mt. Mayapay is an area called the ilaya. 21 the recollects who started to evangelize ilaya in 1597, misheard the term and recorded instead, layalaya, in their first on-the-spot reports of their evangelization efforts.22

     In 1521, Raia siaui pointed ilaya to Ferdinand Magellan as Calagan, a territory with no definite boundaries.23 The Spaniards corrupted the term to Caraga and later assigned it to a Spanish province comprising what is known today as Agusan-Surigao provinces and Davao.24 These above-named provinces from part of the Agusan river basin.25

     Ilaya is a vast tract of land, largely, a river basin drained by numerous tributary rivers, which converge into the Agusan river. The area was sparsely inhabited. The nomadic Agusanon Manobos lived in scattered huts along the Agusan River or its tributaries, near plains, which were suited to rice cultivation, and in the forests on the mountain slopes. 26 Some, however, lived in Ilaya’s mountain ridges. 27 the Agusanon Manobo-settled area in the Ilaya are the areas known today as Amparo, Esperanza, Talacogon, Sagunto and Bunawan. All these areas produced material remains of Old Manobo settlements. 28

F. Agusan River: The Link 

     Bisecting the Agusan valley is the 250-kilometer Agusan River, which starts from Davao del Norte and empties into Butuan Bay. It is fed along its course by several mountain streams and small lakes, namely: Lakes Mantood, Dagan, and Lumao; and tributary rivers like: Bugabos, Ojot, Busilao, Libang, Maasin, Kasilangan, Asopa, Tahoan, Umasa, Lagum, Simulao, Anahauan, Adgaoan, Libang, Sibagat, and Taguibo. These rivers either flow from the mountains east or west of the Agusan River. Agusan River’s average annual run-off is 27,800 mcm.

     The great volume of water discharged by Agusan River makes it the third largest river basin in the Philippines. The Agusan River Basin covers an area of appropriately 11,500 square kilometers, approximately covering the areas of Davao, Agusan del Norte and Agusan del Sur. 29 The river channel is navigable by motor boats and launches up to about 100 km, from the mouth of the river down towards the Municipality of Bunawan in the south.30 Agusan river lies in the latitude North 9 7’ and at 125 31’ longitude east.31

____________________

1 “Major River Basins of the Philippines,” The Philippine Atlas: A Historical, Economical, Educational Profile of the Philippines, Vol.1, (Manila: FAPE, 1975) p.210 

2 Rosario C. Lucero, “Agusanon Manobos,” CCP Encyclopedia of Philippine Arts (Manila: Sentrong Pangkultura ng Pilipinas, 1994) p.41. 

3 Luis de Jesus, “General History of the Discalced Religious of St Augustine,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.21, p.220. 

4 Mardonio M. Lao, “Butuan Before the Spanish Occupation,” Mindanao Journal Vol.6, nos. 2-4 (1979-1980) p.244.

5 “Relief Map of Agusan ,” The Philippine Atlas: A Historical, Economical, Educational Profile of the Philippines, Vol.1, (Manila: FAPE,1975), p.12.

6 “Agusan Profile,” The Philippine Atlas: A Historical, Economical, Educational Profile of the Philippines, Vol.1, (Manila: FAPE, 1975), pp.92-93.

7 Dionisio L. Yumo, “Power Politics of Southern Agusan Manobo,” Mindanao Journal Vol 15, nos. 1-4, (1988-1989) pp.4-5. 

8 “Agusan Map,” Atlas of the Philippines. (1959) pp.43-44. 

9 "Relief Map of Agusan ," The Philippine Atlas: A Historical, Economical, Educational Profile of the Philippines, vol.1, (Manila: FAPE, 1975) p.12.

10 ASEAN Report, “Report on the High-fired Ceramic Shards of Butuan Sites: Torralba, Luna, Plaza, and Burdeos.” The Third Intra-ASEAN Archaeological Excavation and Conservation Workshop, Butuan City, Philippines, Manila: National Museum, 1986. 

11 “Agusan Profile,” The Philippine Atlas, Vol.1, p.93. 

12 Angel P. Bautista, “Archaeological Report on the Luna and Torralba Sites, Butuan City, Agusan del Norte,” National Museum Papers I, 1 (1990) 7. 

13 “Region XII (Caraga Administrative Region),” Philippine Regional Profiles – Mindanao 1996, Makati: Belgosa Business Communications, Inc., 1996) p.45.

14 Eric S. Casiño, The Filipino Nation, The Philippines: Lands and Peoples, A Cultural Geography (USA: Grolier International Philippines, Inc., 1982) p. 194.

15 Philippine Almanac and handbook of Facts (Quezon City: Philippine Almanac Printers, Inc., 1977) p.144.

16 “Soil Map,” Philippine Regional Resources Atlas, Vol.2 (Manila: DENR).

17 Angel P. Bautista, “Archaeological Report on the Luna and Torralba Sites, Butuan City, Agusan del Norte,” National Museum Papers, Vol. 1, no. 1 (1990) pp. 7-9.

21 Epafrodito Flores, “A Manobo Word List,” (Handwritten). It is now with Prof. Manolita Rosales, Urios College, Butuan City.

22 Peter Schreurs, “The Odyssey of Bunawan and talacogon: 1867-1879,” Kinaadman Vol.7. no.1, (1985) p.1.

23 Antonio Pigafetta, “First Voyage Around the World,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.33, p.121.

24 Fernando A. Almeda, Jr., “Story of the Province of Surigao Across the years (Quezon City. Heritage Publishing House and PNHS, 1993).p.3.

25 “Major River Basins of the Philippines,” The Philippine Atlas: A Historical, Economical, Educational profile of the Philippines, Vol.1, (Manila: FAPE, 1975)p.210.

26 Peter Schreurs, “The Odyssey of Bunawan and Talacogon: 1867-1879,” Kinaadman Vol. 7, no. 1, (1985) pp.1-2.

27 John M. Garvan, The Manobos of Mindanao (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1931). 

28 Erlinda M. Burton, Interview with the author, 8 November 1996.

29 Philippine Regional Resources Atlas, Vol. 2 (Manila: DENR, n.d.), surface Hydrology Map. 

30 Adolfo B. Sanchez, 1521 (li) Masawa 9Butuan City. Adolfo B. Sanchez, 1977), 31-32.

31 ibid. p.31.

18 History of the Balangay Sites, Diorama Exhibit, Philippine National Museum, Caraga Region Branch, Butuan City.

19 Erlinda M. Burton, “Settlement and Burial Sites in Butuan City. A Preliminary Report,” Philippine Studies Vol.27 (1977) pp. 108-112.

20 Angel P. Bautista, “Archaeological Report on the Luna and Torralba Sites, Butuan City, Agusan del Norte,” National Museum Papers, Vol.1, no. 1 (1990) p.7.

CHAPTER V TRADE PRODUCTS AND PRICES

     The geographical differences between the coastal and forested environs encouraged internal trade between the two places.1 Due to geographical differences, different products were produced for trade purposes between the Lapaknon Manobos in the ilawud and Agusan Manobos in the ilaya. The trade was complimentary in nature with the natural satisfaction of needs being the driving force. 

A. Trade Products 

1. Ilawud

a. Local Goods

     The ilawud was noted for its local products like metal crafts,2 body ornaments, pottery, food, and forest products. Smithing in the ilawud was a developed industry. Lapaknon Manobos fabricated marketable iron tools like adzes, tongs, knives, and other blades. Bronze products included basins, bells, cymbals, gongs, flat dishes and ferules.

     Gold crafts were mostly body ornaments like masks, rings, earrings, buckles and even teeth fillings and binds. Body ornamentation also included bronze ear pendants, shale bracelets and earrings. There were also necklaces made of locally manufactured colored glass beads.3

     With regards to pottery, the ilawud had an established pottery-making industry. Ilawud pottery products were of two general types: first, utilitarian vessels, which were of everyday and sometimes ceremonial use, and second, decorative wares, which were made for special occasions, ritual, or for burial purposes. The utilitarian wares were large deep bowls, spouted vessels, big shallow bowls, stoves and pots. Decorative wares included small shallow bowls with foot ring, vessels that were slipped, polished, incised, and some impressed wares.4

     Agricultural products were also important ilawud trade items. Antonio Pigafetta, in 1521, noted rice, sago, bananas, ginger, coconuts, oranges, lemons, and millet.5 But among the array of Ilawud local products, the Chinese favored gold and beeswax over the rest. The Moro trader from Luzon with whom Legazpi’s men traded in Butuan in 1565, told them that: 

“…The Chinese came to this country with porcelain, iron tips for spears, swords, and jars, which they sold throughout these islands for gold to bring back to their country, and also beeswax, because it was for these things that they came…”6

     Beeswax, used for candle making and lost-wax manufacture of copper and bronze vessels in china, commanded high value.7 its high demand encouraged notoriety. For instance, in April of 1565, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi’s men whom he sent to Butuan aboard the patache San Juan, bartered Spanish tostones with a large quantity of beeswax from Luzon Moros in Butuan. But Legazpi’s men found themselves cheated as they discovered that the Moros put some earth within the cakes of wax so that it would appear big. The Moros, sensing that the probable trade between the natives and the Spaniards would be detrimental to their trading interests, ‘uttered many lies and slander’ against the Spaniards. Such incident almost resulted into a fight, but the Spaniards were careful not to stir up the natives, for they, according the Legazpi intended ‘not to go privateering, but to make treaties and to procure friends of which I am in great need.’8 

b. Foreign Goods 

     Ilawud, being exposed to foreign trade, also accumulated imported goods from China, Thailand, Vietnam and other places in Southeast Asia. Archaeological excavations yielded high-fired wares of Chinese provenance, which included stone wares, pocellaneous wares and porcelain. They come in the form of plates, saucers, bowls, jars, large storage jars, ewers, covered boxes and figurines of human and animals. Stone wares were mostly in the form of jars, which were used as container of water, wine and other condiments. Porcellaneous wares included white and bluish wares called Qing bai. Porcelain wares were in blue painted decorations under a clear vitreous glaze. Most of these Chinese high-fired wares came from the Southern kilns of Guangdong and Fujian.

     Systematic excavation also yielded some late 14th, 15th and early 16th century Thai and Vietnamese wares. Thai wares comprised of Sanghalok celadons and Sukhotai wares. They come in the form of jarlets, round boxes, human and animal figurines, dishes with lotus designs, deep dishes, bowls and plates. Vietnamese wares come in the form of large plates and dishes with floral designs. Some 13th to 15th century white paste wares in kendi form, reportedly found across Southeast Asia, Sri Lanka and China were also excavated.9

     Historical documents also revealed that in 1565, Moro boats, which plied across Philippine waters dropped anchor in Butuan to trade. The Moro boat which Legazpi’s men met on their way to Butuan brought with it colored blankets, damasks, almaizales of silk and cotton, figured silk, iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain, gold and many trade items. The Moros told the Spaniards that the tin and iron were form Borney, porcelain, copper bells and painted tapestry from China, pans and tempered iron pots were from India.10

     Imported animals were also trade goods of the ilawud. Among the trade animals were Panthera tigris Linn (tiger), Canis familiaris Linn. (dog), Capra hircus Linn. (goat), rhinoceros sondaicus Desmarest (rhinoceros) and Bubalus bubalis Linn. (carabao)/ Bos Taurus Linn. (cow). All of these animal remains were dated during the Tang-Sung period. (9th-12th century A.D.).11

2. Ilaya 

     Ilaya had its own list of products, which were important to their trading partners. Products like the Almaciga resin and beeswax, which were used to caulk baroto planking, an important vessel for fresh and saltwater fishing and trading.12 Gold nuggets, which were important trade items for trading with the Chinese junks; and other Ilaya products like slaves and animals. Perishable forest products like fruits and the meat of game animals were also likely trade products. These products were just what the coastal settlers needed for their own consumption as well as for their external trade relations.

B. Prices of Products

     Generally, in the early sixteenth century, commodities were acquired through barter, and since it was a barter trade, the contract of sale was perfected through the giving of consent by both parties who both acted as seller and buyer. By the beginning of the 14th century, five commercial zones emerged in Southeast Asia. They are: (1) Bay of Bengal regional network that included: Coromandel coast of Southern India and Sri Lanka, Burma, Upper Malay Peninsula, northern end and western coast of Sumatra. (2) Strait of Malacca; (3) Upper Malay Peninsula’s eastern coast, Lower coast of Vietnam, Regions bordering the Gulf of Thailand; (4) Java Sea network that included: lesser Sunda Islands, Moluccas, Banda, Timor, and Western Coast of Borneo, Java, southern coast of Sumatra. And lastly, (5) The Sulu Sea Region included the western coasts of Luzon, Mindoro, Cebu, Butuan, Mindanao and Brunei region of Borneo’s north coast.13

     The Sulu Region’s trade was at brisk, and was very evident even during the arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi in 1565.14 the esteemed merchandize in this region were bronze, quicksilver, cinnabar, glass, woolen stuffs, linens, and above all iron and spectacles.15 for the Spaniards, however, were gold and other precious metals.16 Below was a list of the general prices of the products in the region by 1521: 

One Cathil 17 of quicksilver = Six porcelain dishes 

One Cathil of metal = Small porcelain vase 

One large vase = Three knives 

One hundred picis 18  = A hand of paper 

A bahar 19 of Wax = 160 cathils of Bronze 

A bahar of Salt = 80 cathils of Bronze 

A bahar of Anime =  40 cathils of Bronze 

Table 1. The 15th century products and prices in the Sulu Sea commercial Region. The principal ports were Luzon, Mindoro, Cebu, Butuan, Sulu, Mindanao and Brunei.

     When Ferdinand Magellan arrived in Mazua on 29 March 1521, there was an unusual trade. Magellan was so generous with his trading partners that some of his trade items like knives, caps and mirrors were given without a thing in return. Below is a list of products and prices of the trade that took place.20

3 porcelain jars of raw rice and 2 very large oranges = A garment of Turkish fashion and a red cap 

A Porringer full of Rice and 8-10 Bananas = Spanish Knife

A pointed crown of massy Gold of the size of a colona = 6 strings of Glass Beads

Table 2. the trade products and prices during the 1521 trade between the Magellans men and the inhabitants of Mazaua. 

A quantity of gold = Velvet cap and cloak

A large quantity of Spanish Silver Tostones 21 = Beeswax

20 marks of Gold = 6 Tostones of Silver and 1 of Gold

10-12 Quintals of Gold = more than 6 Tostones in value 

3 Quintals of Gold22 = a number of rials 

     Porcelain, Iron tips for spears, a quantity of Gold and Beeswax, Swords and jars

Table 3. The trade products and prices during the 1564 trade between Legazpi’s men and the inhabitants of Butuan. 

__________

1 Joy B. Burrough, “The development of Periodic Markets in Sabah,” Sabah Society Journal Vol. 6 (1975-1976) p.23.

2 Ilawud’s metal working activity consisted of iron, Bronze and gold smithing. The Places of activity were of wider spatial distribution as indicated by the archaeological remains. See ASEAN Report, “Report on Metal Working and Artifacts in the Balanghai I Site, Libertad, Butuan City,’ Third Intra-ASEAN Archaeological Excavation and Conservation, Butuan City, Philippines, 16 Nov. – 10 Dec., 1986. 

3 ASEAN Report, “Report on Metal Working and Artifacts in the Balanghai I Site, Libertad, Butuan City,” Third Intra-ASEAN Archaeological Excavation and Conservation, Butuan City, Philippines, 16 Nov.-10 Dec., 1986. 

4 Artemio C. Barbosa, “The Ambangan Earthenware: A preliminary Analysis of Pottery Excavated in Butuan City, Philippines,” Mindanao Journal Vol.5, no.2 (1978) p.4.

5 Antonio Pigafetta, “The First Voyage Around the World,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.33, p.133.

6 Rodrigo de Espinosa, “Derrotero del Piloto Rodrigo de Espinosa del Discubrimiento de las Yslas del del Poniente (from Navidad, 17 November 1564 to Bohol, 4 April 1565),” in Horacio de la Costa, S.J., Readings in Philippine History (Manila: Bookmark, Inc., 1966), pp. 11-12. 

7 Eric S. Casino, The Filipino Nation, The Philippines: Lands and Peoples, A Cultural Geography (USA: Grolier International Philippines, Inc., 1982), p.73.

8 Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, “relation of the Voyage to the Philippines (1564-1565),” Documentary Sources of Philippine History, (Manila: National Bookstore Inc., 1990) Vol.2, p.9-11.

9 Aurora Roxas – Lim, “A Preliminary Study of the Butuan Archaeological Finds and their significance in Philippine History,” In the Search of Historical Truth (Quezon City, Philippine National Historical Society, 1992), pp.48-51. 

10 “Colleccion Documentos Ineditos de Ultramar,” Blair and Robertson, Vol. 2, P.116.

11 Zoo-archaeological evidences show that Butuan had acquired these imported animals as trade goods from Southeast Asia and China. Their absence in the records of the collection of Philippine mammals (1823-1993) made us conclude that they were non-endemic to the Philippines. Their association with trade goods indicated that they were introduced through trade. See Elinita D.V. Alba, “Archaeological Evidences of Animals as Trade Goods: A Preliminary Survey,” National Museum Papers, Vol.4, no. 2 (1994) pp.25-34.

12 William Henry Scott, “Boat Building and Seamanship in classic Philippine Society,” Anthropological Papers, no.9 (1981) p.23.

13 Kenneth Hall, “The Opening of the Malay World to European Trade in the 16th century,” Journal of Malaysian Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 58, no. 2 (1985).

14 William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, (Quezon City. Ateneo de Manila Press, 1994) p.164.

15 Lord Stanley of Alderley, The First Voyage Around the World by Magellan (London:Burt Franklin, n.d.), p.117. 

16 “Instruccion Que dio el Rey a Magallanes Y a Falero Para el Viage al descubrimiento de las islas del Maluco,” Colleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos que hicieron por Mar los Españoles desde Fines del Siglo XV… (Madrid 1837), Vol.4, p.138.

17 A cathil is a measure of weight, which is equal to two pounds, see Lord Stanley of Alderly, The First Voyage Around the World, by Magellan (London: Burt Franklin, n.d.), p. 117. In the Laguna Copperplate Inscriptions (LCI), gold was measured in terms of kati and in late 18th Century Sulu, bird’s nests were also measured in terms of kati. See Thomas Forrest, Voyage to New Guinea (London: G. Scott, 1779), p.325.

18 Picis (also Pitis) were small coins used by the Moors. It is either brass or bronze, which were pierced purposively for stringing together. On one of its sides were four inscribed characters of the great king of China. It is about 600 to a dollar at a chin. Lord Stanley of Alderley, ibid.

19 A Bahar is a measure of weight 200 and 3 cathils. Ibid. in 17th century Sulu, a bahar is equal to 3 piculs or 400 Pounds. See James Francis Warren, The Sulu Zone 1768-1898 (Quezon City. New Day Publishers, 1985) p. ix.

20 Antonio Pigafetta, “The First Voyage Around the World,” Blair and Robertson, Vol.33, p.131.

21 Tostones was translated by William Henry Scott as Salapi in Tagalog. His translation was based of San Buenaventura’s 1613 Vocabulario de Lengua tagala el romance castellano presto primero.

22 Rodrigo de Espinosa, “Derrotero del Piloto Rodrigo de Espinosa del Discubrimiento de las Yslas del Poniente,” (from Navidad, 17 November 1564 to Bohol, 4 April 1565), in Horacio de la Costa, S.J., Readings in Philippine History (Manila: Bookmark, Inc.,1966), p. 12.